Monthly Archives: July 2010

Unconditional aid and militarization: serious obstacles to Rwandan democratisation

Black Star News believes that Barack Obama’s administration could hold the key for some of the African continent’s problems. ‘His decisions could free millions of Africans from bondage — the one imposed for decades now by African dictators often with Western collusion– save millions of lives in avoided bloodshed, and help unleash the great reservoir wherein Africa’s vast potential has been condemned,’ says the news source.

In these days leading to the 9th of August elections in Rwanda, and following the series of politically motivated crimes, according to many human rights organizations and independent newspapers, Paul Kagame’s country risks loosing praises Western governments had been giving since the end of the 1994  genocide. Though similarities of situations might look somehow no so close, Noam Chomsky says that, ‘it is worth recalling what happened in South Africa. Fifty years ago, the white nationalist regime recognized that it was becoming an international pariah.’ Like the South African Foreign Minister at the time while talking to the US Ambassador, Rwandan Foreign Minister, Louise Mushikiwabo could also privately or openly claim that, ‘as long as the US supports us, it does not matter what the world thinks.’

Africa Faith and Justice Network and other human rights organization working in the Great Lakes region oppose the US continued foreign policy of supporting African friendly tyrants as long as they defend American interests.  ‘The U.S. policy has been to support strongmen,’ says Maurice Carney, executive director of Friends of the Congo. ‘And at the head of the class is Paul Kagame, who has received military support, weapons, training and intelligence and as a result has been able to invade Rwanda’s neighbor, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and sustain proxy militia fighting there to rob the Congolese people of their natural resources. He has contributed to the death of over 6 million people in Congo and to the destabilization of Africa’s whole Great Lakes region.’

‘The UK is Rwanda’s largest bilateral donor, giving around £380m since the genocide in 1994,’ explains Sophie Elmhirst in The New Stateman. The Department for International Development Minister, Stephen O’ Brien, traveled to Rwanda on June 16th and 17th. He met President Kagame and other Rwandan government ministers. Through a local member of parliament I learned that  apparently the Minister had raised the issues faced by opposition parties, and highlighted the importance that the UK, as a major bilateral donor and fellow member of the Commonwealth, attaches to core democratic values, such as freedom of speech and constructive opposition.

Surprisingly, it was on June 19th that an assassination attempt in South Africa was done against dissident General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa. On June 24th, Jean-Léonard Rugambage, a journalist working for the banned newspaper Umuvugizi, was murdered. The same day there was a general crackdown on opposition parties which peacefully demonstrated against their exclusion from participating in electoral campaign. Those detained suffered severe torture and harassment from security forces. Bernard Ntaganda, the leader of PS-IMBERAKURI has been in prison since then. On July 8th, Agnès Uwimana Nkusi, Saidati Mukakibibi, and Patrick Kambare, journalists of the independent newspaper Umurabyo were arrested. On July 14th, André Kagwa Rwisereka, Secretary General of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, was murdered, found almost beheaded. Two leaders of the FDU-Inking opposition party Mr Martin Ntavuka and Mr Anastase Hagabimana were arrested on July 24th.

It appears to be for Kagame psychologically easier to retreat behind the genocide ideology and other divisionism crimes to silence any dissent voice than to face honestly the hard facts of his discriminative policies, which unfortunately are making his regime becoming so intolerant inside and disliked throughout the world. In May this year, the imprisonment in Kigali of the American lawyer Peter Erlinder who went to represent Victoire Ingabire, leader of the main opposition leader FDU-Inkingi, accused of divisionism and association with a terrorist group, may have added its fair share onto such negative attitude.

As results of Kagame’s elections are already predictable for a candidate without real challengers, scripts of congratulation messages are also probably being finalized. In the short term, not much may change from his still strong supporters. But the future of Rwanda hangs in the balance between the determination of those who today feel oppressed by his autocratic regime and the right assessment of the evolving political climate by those seeing Rwanda as a success story. Maybe this time round they could be fast in spotting the dangerous signs before more lives are lost.

Rwandan Police Lies On Divisionism By Opposition Party

The Rwandan government and its institutions, particularly security forces are appearing more and more repressive as Election Day – August 9th approaches.

On Sunday July 25th the Rwandan government radio station reported that 2 people were arrested for planning an illegal protest for the following Monday.

‘The victims of this unexpected arrest, Mr Martin Ntavuka – FDU-Inkingi leader in Nyarugenge district and Mr Anastase Hagabimana – FDU-Inkingi leader in Kicukiro District, were handcuffed, beaten and taken to the Remera police detention facility,’ said Salem-News.

Salem-News was told the accused, while guests, were apprehended at the temporary residence of Victoire Ingabire, Chair of FDU-Inkingi, one of the opposition parties whose registration has been refused by the authorities. The watchman at the property was left with face injuries including one eye swollen shut. Eye witnesses confirm death threats and ethnic hate abuses hurled on-spot by the officer Karekezi, a CID staff.

Superintendent and Police spokesperson Eric Kayiranga, announced on the state radio that once informed that these people were planning a protest, they followed them and caught them. They searched their car and found material for protest including signs and T-shirts. Kariranga explained that on that material were inscriptions of divisionism character and threatening national security. But he was reluctant to elaborate on what was written.

‘Our print t-shirts display normally our colours (green and red) and the text on either the front or the back says “WE NEED DEMOCRACY AND FAIR JUSTICE” or “TURASHAKA DEMOKARASI N’UBUTABERA BUSESUYE”. What is inflammatory in this?’ said Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza in her press release on the incident.

Though it is illegal to protest in public without a written permission from Rwandan authorities, it looks even illegal from the police perspective to put sign on t-shirts without authorization because it can be judged as divisionism or a security issue in Rwanda.

In recent weeks and months there have been in Rwanda numerous incidents politically motivated which have seen journalists, members of opposition parties, human right activists, military dissidents disappeared imprisoned tortured or killed. Surprisingly, from Kagame’s government perspective, all this is happening to preserve peace, unity and democracy.


A note to Paul Kagame from 1930 Prison

In the Rwandan prison infrastructure, ‘1930 Prison’ is noticeably one of many places for depriving freedom to supposedly convicted criminals. One of its recent residents was the US lawyer Pr. Peter Carl Erlinder. The prison takes its name from the year it was built. I suppose Paul Kagame knows well about it. What I am not sure is if he personally chooses where to imprison those he finds most worthless or useless of all in order to punish them exemplary. For example I would’ve liked to know if I am detained in this horrendous location because of his grace. At least I would feel I have some importance in his eyes. Hopefully through this note he can recall if he weather sent me here or not.

I am a seventy year old woman and single mother. Before being thrown in here, I had in my care an elder sibling and five orphans of the Rwandan wars since 1990. My health is not stable because I regularly suffer from high blood pressure. For that reason I was meant to be taking medication periodically when I could afford it. I was arrested and imprisoned after I was sent a ‘Gacaca’ court order calling me to attend a trial. A speedy ‘Gacaca’ court hearing was held within three weeks of receiving the court order. I wasn’t represented by any lawyer. It was decided to get me imprisoned immediately. The sentence is for 30 years of imprisonment. The same number of years you spent in exile. What an irony this can be!

The reason I am writing this note is to let you know that you have done everything possible, humiliating me, dispossessing me, and dehumanizing me, to destroy my soul, but you haven’t finished me yet. If you had I won’t be writing you. I would say I have been lucky but not unfortunately for long. I am getting weaker every day. I don’t know if you are aware of the thousands of Rwandans who regularly disappear in your prisons. I feel you have put us in slow motion crematoriums that are speedier or slower in taking our lives depending on personal circumstances of each inmate.

This is selfishly about me, though I imagine there may be thousands of inmates who would also like to tell you something. They have their own selfish reasons for not doing so. As selfish as you too must be when you decide that people like us must be incarcerated for whatever reason. I don’t think you even consider us as humans when you order to get rid off us. Though I presume you go along that line because like anybody else you must be a selfish human.

I cannot get out of this prison like Pr. Peter Carl Erlinder who was incarcerated here a few weeks ago. As he said he is a white American and a lawyer. He managed to get out as soon as possible because he couldn’t bear the conditions we persistently experience day and night year after year when we manage to survive. Luckily he counted on the fraternity of lawyers around the world and an international movement of supporters to advocate for his innocence and release. I don’t have that. This is the case for thousands of inmates who have been in here for years or others you round up everyday.

Despite my innocence for alleged crimes of genocide you want me to die here for your own satisfaction. While I was still relatively free, I remember you telling Stephen Sakhur from BBC Hard Talk that you had some right to kill Juvenal Habyarimana, your predecessor. You said, ‘I wasn’t responsible for his security. And he wouldn’t have cared if I had died. I don’t care that it happened to him. I was fighting that government, the government that made me a refugee for those years, for which I had a right to fight about, and the Judge (Jean-Louis Bruguiere) wants to ask me why?’ Frankly I don’t buy into that right to kill. Imagine if all refugees had such right and the means to exercise it. I would fear for you first. I sense that you find pleasure in other people misery, particularly when your hand is involved.

As Election Day on August 9th nears, I am sure you will claim as in 2003 that, “others are advocating genocide. But you need not be afraid when you elect me on Monday. I will protect you.” Maybe you don’t realize that your protection is killing us, unless our death doesn’t matter as long as you are elected. I feel frankly sorry for my compatriots that you will force to vote you as president unwillingly. As in 2003 for the presidential or 2008 parliamentary elections, like in a comedy show which is repeated several times, there won’t be significant changes in the script. These are detailed acts of the show as prepared for the presentation on Monday 9th August 2010 that I can predict.

  1. On Sunday 8th August, or even before that, in some Rwandan local authorities at their lower levels, electoral staff with government officers will sign electoral cards for citizens under their jurisdiction, to prove they have voted even before election day
  2. In the early hours of Monday 9th the same signatories of election cards will present them to registered citizens for fingerprinting; as one would expect, all the cards will be RPF ones
  3. In other places, they will get citizens to wake up as early as 4.00 am so they can force them to vote RPF before any international monitor comes to observe the process
  4. By 7.00 am voting will have finished in some places; when it should officially start at that time
  5. In other rural areas, loud speakers will be used from 3.00 am calling people to get out and go to vote RPF
  6. This campaign will go on until the previous day of the poll, though legally campaigning will have officially stopped days before
  7. The National Electoral Commission will work hand in hand with RPF as the former is serving RPF political policies
  8. International observers if any will not get permission to monitor the voting
  9. Generally these international observers will be ignorant of the working patterns of RPF; they will feel proud to be neutral advocates of a non-existent opposition, while represented parties are all an RPF coalition and supportive of your re-election for their selfish interests
  10. In some places, members of the coalition other than RPF may complain to their leaders about irregularities, but they will be explained that this was earlier agreed between members of the RPF coalition.

I would like to know how you will feel when the National Electoral Commission will announce that you won by more than 85% as 99.9% would be unthinkable as if there wasn’t any opposition. Professor Karangwa, the chief executive of the commission, is clever enough to make the results look much plausible despite the scale of fraud and rigging of votes which is being meticulously prepared.

Few months ago I was told that you claimed that no one could do a military coup against you. I hope you don’t think I am planning one and come after me. I pray strongly that no foolish individual attempts on your life. Otherwise they won’t be different from you. On the other hand, I remember as if it was yesterday what it was like after April 6th, 1994. Despite the inhuman life I have come to be customized to in your prison, I wouldn’t want to see my compatriots experience similar circumstances as when Juvenal Habyarimana was killed. His killer got what he wanted, but at what a human cost.

Though I am in 1930 Prison, I can still write you this note. You tried to restrict my thinking, but unfortunately I cannot help it. That’s what I am left with to exercise some free will. If the fool I mentioned killed you accidentally, I may also die prematurely, and we would miss this opportunity, which in a sense makes me feel better despite everything else. Hopefully, I will still be around, the day you may become my neighbor inmate, before me being allowed to get out.